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قديم 05-26-2013, 05:36 PM
  #1
 الصورة الرمزية الفارس الأشرف
 
تاريخ التسجيل: Sep 2012
الدولة: مصر-القاهره
العمر: 36
المشاركات: 164,121
26 Spotlight on Sinai 2013

Spotlight on Sinai
2013




With the fate of seven kidnapped soldiers in Sinai still in the balance calls for a military operation to liberate the abductees have been growing.
On Saturday the kidnappers released a video showing the soldiers being humiliated. Two days later the presidency issued a statement saying nothing was being ruled out in securing the soldiers’ release though what options were being considered was not specified. Apart from holding meetings with political forces and consulting the grand imam of Al-Azhar and the mufti over possible ways to free the soldiers, the presidency has made no actions public.
Despite the heavy deployment of the army at Rafah and Sheikh Zuweid since Monday military sources deny the intention to launch a military rescue, claiming it remains a last resort.
On Tuesday morning, a day after Ahmed Wasfi, field commander of the second army, arrived at Arish, armoured trucks and military equipment were deployed along the main roads of Northern Sinai in an attempt to prevent the kidnappers from moving the soldiers. Wasfi immediately held meetings with security officials in Northern Sinai, giving the impression that a military operation was imminent. Military sources, however, stress that any operation first requires a presidential order. According to Major General Hani Abdel-Latif, official spokesperson of the Interior Ministry, the direct confrontation with the kidnappers requires accurate calculations and may happen at any time, noting that the army and the security apparatus are well prepared for such step. Until Al-Ahram Weekly went to press no order was issued.
On Saturday there was no sign of increased security along the Arish-Rafah road, scene of the kidnap. The only traffic was a handful of cars and trucks heading to, or from, the now closed Rafah crossing. At the entrance to the town of Sheikh Zuweid we passed a unit from the peacekeeping force who eyed us cautiously.
In Rafah the air of anxiety was palpable.
“The security situation affects us here under normal circumstances. So you can imagine how we feel after our colleagues have been kidnapped,” said GamalMohamed of Rafah Port Security. “We will not open the crossing until our colleagues are returned safely. We don’t know where they are and there is no hard evidence on the identity of the kidnappers.”
Neither Gamal nor his fellow officers were willing to comment on the possible outcome of two rounds of talks between the president and the ministers of interior, defence and intelligence.
“There are many conjectures but no real clarity on who the kidnappers are affiliated with,” says an informed source in the Sinai. “What is certain is that contact has been established between military intelligence and the kidnappers. I believe that they already knew each another quite well. It is also clear that no tribe or tribes carried out the kidnap. Nor are we speaking of an organisation that is already known in the area. There have been communications with many different parties, some of which were intended as a form of camouflage. But by Sunday what had become apparent was that negotiations were in progress.”
Police forces posted in the villages and towns of northern Sinai are nervous. Police vehicles no longer cruise, they traverse streets at top speed. The police are less inclined than ever to intervene in Bedouin affairs. Arish’s second precinct police station looks like it is expecting a siege. Security is high and personnel venture beyond the station’s protected boundaries with extreme caution.
The sudden appearance of Interior Ministry armoured vehicles and security machinery, says Sinai political activist Ashraf Al-Hifni, could backfire. At a time when the local economy is collapsing it could easily appear as a form of provocation. “The iron fist and heavy stick security policies have returned to the Sinai,” Al-Hifni told Al-Ahram Weekly, adding that, if anything, the situation was worse than before the revolution.
“The revolution has not fulfilled its tasks in the Sinai. Worse, there is no security. Rather there is oppression, which is the main reason for the kidnapping situation we see today.”
The kidnapping of soldiers marks a qualitative shift in tactics in the Sinai, an escalation of earlier attacks on roadblocks and other security installations. Recently, the torture of a Bedouin man detained in Tora prison triggered protests from relatives. In South Sinai there have been attempts to kidnap foreign tourists in order to compel the authorities to release imprisoned relatives. With no tourists in North Sinai, it appears security personnel are now being targeted as potential bargaining chips.
The Abu Shita family, one of whose members was sentenced to death on charges related to an assault against the second precinct police station in Arish, denies that he or anyone else related to the family was involved in the kidnapping.
Contacted by the Weekly Sheikh Hassan Abu Hassan, a Jihadist Salafi Front leader in Sheikh Zuweid, at first denounced the kidnapping. He then asked to call us back, saying he was “on the Palestinian side of the border”, which in itself was peculiar. When he returned the call and was asked whether he was involved in the negotiations over the kidnap he responded by saying he did not “want to dwell on such subjects”.
“Ultimately,” he added, “the whole issue is a storm in a teacup. We are keen to maintain good relations with the army. The kidnapped officers will be released this evening or tomorrow evening and then all this will be over.”
“To us it is not odd that the Salafist and Jihadist Salafi sheikhs would be on the other side of the border,” says Salah Salam, dean of the Faculty of Medicine at Sinai University and a leading local politician.
“There are close ties between these groups and they do not regard national borders as important or a practical reality. They have a connection with what is happening. The real problem lies with a regime that agrees to talk to them and remains intent on talking even after soldiers are kidnapped. There have been kidnappings before but they were to exact ransom money. Today, the situation is different. The state is negotiating with terrorists over kidnapped soldiers, which sends the signal that it fears the terrorists. We are on the verge of becoming a failed state if the regime thinks in this manner.”
Two weeks ago Salam met several Hamas officials, including Ismail Haniyeh while on an official visit to Gaza. As different as the outlooks are between Salam, a liberal who subscribes to the principles of the modern democratic state, and his interlocutors, Salam tried to remain as fair and open minded as possible during his interviews. He is convinced Hamas was not involved in the kidnapping and has no desire to see turmoil on the Egyptian side of the border. Yet at the same time, he says, “Hamas does not fully control the Gaza Strip.”
“Circumstances there, where there is no real state, have paved the way for the rise of violent armed groups that operate in the name of political and jihadist Islam. Hamas no longer has the power to control these groups. They have proliferated to the extent that they cannot be face down. These groups thrive in the vicinity of the border with Egypt. Ultimately, there is a Gaza that is above ground and that has faith in the Egyptian authorities, even with respect to the Israeli question and the Egyptian-US-Israeli-Hamas truce agreement, and an underground Gaza about which little is known and which many governments and agencies fear to approach because it is a snake pit.”
Increasingly it appears that there is a snake pit on the Egyptian side of the border as well, particularly in the zone where Area C and Area D meet. It is home to an estimated 7,000 jihadists said to be equipped for urban warfare.
Despite such a seemingly chilling figure Ibrahim Al-Manie, head of the Sinai Tribal Federation, does not appear alarmed. We met with him in Mahdiya, an administrative subzone of Sheikh Zuweid not far from the border crossing at Rafah.
“I have good relations with them,” he says. “I’ve sat and talked with them on several occasions. They have assured me they harbour no hostility against the Egyptian army. None at all. Their arms are not directed against the army. They are Egyptian citizens and patriots of the first order. But the state has criminalised them. I am only talking here about the indigenous people from the Sinai who have joined these groups. Many of them would not have taken such a course if the state had offered them the opportunity to make a decent living.”
“They see Israel as the enemy. We should embrace them instead of leaving them out in the open which will only create more problems. The Sinai jihadists are not so evil. They are fighters and they are decent. We have to embrace them so that we can turn them away from the ideas that some of them subscribe to.”
Others are much more concerned. Sinai activist Hossam Al-Shorbagui, son of local Muslim Brotherhood leader Abdel-Rahman Al-Shorbagui, says the jihadist Salafis worry the Sinai tribes just as much as they do government officials. Al-Shorbagui’s father has issued a statement blaming custodial sentences against some tribesmen for the kidnapping, a stance that sparked controversy in Cairo where some argued a man appointed as a negotiator by the president should not prejudge the issues. The Muslim Brotherhood then denied that Abdel-Rahman Al-Shorbagui had been assigned to negotiate with the kidnappers.
A senior government source expresses concern at attempts to embroil the army in the issue, warning that the Muslim Brothers’ and the Bedouins’ interests have converged in the Sinai with respect to the non-recognition of borders and, by extension, non-recognition of the sovereignty of the state.
Al-Manie does not believe a heightened security presence, whether police or the military, is the answer in Sinai where Bedouins already complain that they have only ever experienced government heavy-handedness. He supports an idea increasingly mooted by tribal leaders that Bedouin militias should be formed to restore security in the Sinai. The suggestion vies with the long espoused idea of assimilating Sinai tribal members into the army and police, a notion that has met little practical response on the part of authorities who continue to view the customs of Sinai society as inconsistent with the rules and conventions of state security institutions.
“If government policies continue in this overbearing way, not just towards Bedouin society in the Sinai but at the level of the whole country, [the creation of a Bedouin militia] will certainly become a major option,” says Al-Manie.
But will the Bedouin tribes go for the idea?
“If the Sawarka and the Tarabin tribes agree anything can be accomplished,” he says, quickly adding: “I support the presence of the government but with limited arms so it doesn’t tyrannise us. We are human beings. We have good people and we have bad. We are not angels but we’re not devils either. We are with the government in the need to crack down on criminals, but only on criminals and outlaws.”
To many in Sinai the situation boils down to a tribal “feud” against the government’s “iron fist”.
It would not be the first time there has been a confrontation between the tribes and the state (as represented by security forces) since the 25 January Revolution. Many in the Sinai believe that the legacy of government brutality under former interior minister Habib Al-Adli generated a cycle of “blood and bullets” that persisted into the post-revolutionary transitional phase administered by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF). This “feud” can be measured by attacks against police stations and checkpoints in the area between Arish and Rafah. Indeed one checkpoint — at Al-Risa — has been targeted dozens of times.
The Al-Adli legacy, says Aghawot tribe member Mohamed Al-Osta, generated deep rancour among the people of Sinai, a sentiment that has now begun to mount under Muslim Brotherhood rule. Security agencies have long refused to respect the tribal customs or the dignity of the Bedouins. They always regarded them either as shepherds in the desert, drug traffickers or Israeli spies. After the revolution there was a lot of pressure to take revenge against the security agencies. Not a single family in the Sinai, says Al-Osta, is without a member in prison, in detention or on the run from some fabricated criminal charge. This is why the Bedouins have often sympathised with the Islamists when fighting intensifies between jihadists and security forces. He believes that security agencies have concluded that they will only be able to regain the upper hand by adopting the policies of the past which is, he says, “completely unacceptable”.

With My Best Wishes
Mr. Ashraf Fouda

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قديم 05-26-2013, 05:37 PM
  #2
 الصورة الرمزية الفارس الأشرف
 
تاريخ التسجيل: Sep 2012
الدولة: مصر-القاهره
العمر: 36
المشاركات: 164,121
افتراضي

You’ re Welcome
Good Bye and Good Luck
Mr. Ashraf Fouda
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قديم 05-26-2013, 05:37 PM
  #3
 الصورة الرمزية الفارس الأشرف
 
تاريخ التسجيل: Sep 2012
الدولة: مصر-القاهره
العمر: 36
المشاركات: 164,121
افتراضي

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قديم 01-08-2019, 12:14 AM
  #4
 الصورة الرمزية الفارس الأشرف
 
تاريخ التسجيل: Sep 2012
الدولة: مصر-القاهره
العمر: 36
المشاركات: 164,121
افتراضي رد: Spotlight on Sinai 2013

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